Wilcannia Mission Camps and Cultural Places

Item details

Name of item: Wilcannia Mission Camps and Cultural Places
Other name/s: The Mission/Union Bend
Type of item: Landscape
Group/Collection: Aboriginal
Category: Place of significance
Location: Lat: -31.569716768 Long: 143.378710925
Primary address: , Wilcannia, NSW 2836
Parish: Wilcannia South
County: Werunda
Local govt. area: Central Darling
Local Aboriginal Land Council: Wilcannia
Hectares (approx): 205.99
Property description
Lot/Volume CodeLot/Volume NumberSection NumberPlan/Folio CodePlan/Folio Number
CROWN LAND  bed n bank of river 
PART LOT10 DP757028 
PART LOT20 DP 757028 
PART LOT3445 DP 65734 
PART LOT3711 DP 766094 
PART LOT4143 DP 766648 
PART LOT7314 DP 1181235 parish Wilcannia 
PART LOT7315 DP 1181235 parish Wilcannia  

Boundary:

see plan
All addresses
Street AddressSuburb/townLGAParishCountyType
 WilcanniaCentral DarlingWilcannia SouthWerundaPrimary Address

Statement of significance:

The Aboriginal Place demonstrates aspects of traditional ways of life such as the making of canoes and coolamons, wooden artefact making, use of aquatic resources such as fish, yabbies and mussels, and understanding of the hydrology and ecology of the river and linked aquifers and springs through the traditional knowledge of the sacred Ngatji or Rainbow Serpent.
This traditional knowledge was seamlessly transferred into the historic camping period, and into the present. Canoe trees show the transition from very old trees cut out around 200 years ago, to a canoe cut out by Barkandji matriarch Granny Moysey and her family around 1922, to a series of canoes cut out by known people in the 1940’s to 1950’s. Interest has been rekindled in making canoes again with elders who witnessed canoes being cut out. Stories also document practices such as fishing, yabbying and collecting mussels, as well as hunting and collecting emu eggs.
The historic camps show the deliberate placement of huts in similar ways to the traditional period, taking into account location near shade trees, fresh water, aquatic foods, and spacing and orientation of huts to keep family close and give privacy from others, and clustering of huts according to kinship relationships. The historic camps are marked by domestic and work-related historic artefacts and remnant garden plants, and hut materials indicating the construction methods of huts using traditional building methods (use of round timber and cane grass and gum leaf thatching), and new methods adopted from employment as fencers on pastoral stations.
The oral history collected from elders documents who lived in the camps so young people can learn about their family history. The stories describe what was hard about those times (such as carting water, no electricity, primitive toilets etc,) and how they dealt with these problems, and what was better about those times than today (plenty of fish and yabbies, bush medicines, fresh water, no bills). They describe the close family ties and extended kinship groups, about how everyone helped each other, the sounds of adults and children laughing, chatting and singing every evening in the firelight, and how every child was looked after by their large kinship network. They emphasize a sense of freedom and pride, and the self-reliance and resilience of the people.
The camps demonstrate significant aspects of the history of NSW. They grew in the 1930’s and 1940’s in response to families escaping the Aborigines Welfare Board enforced authoritarian regime and Tuberculosis epidemic of the Menindee Aboriginal Station or “Mission”. The camps provided a pool of skilled but often underpaid labour for the pastoral stations, local government, and town businesses, separate from the town but important to the economy, with limited opportunities for health, education, training, welfare and economic assistance. Located on the flood prone side of the river, the major floods in 1950, 1956, and 1974 were the catalyst for social change as the camp people had to be re-located on higher ground on the edge of the town, where many stayed and eventually built permanent housing through their own housing project. The relationship between the occupants of the camps and adjacent fourteen “Mission” houses built by the Aborigines Welfare Board in 1953 documents the many ways the Aboriginal people evaded, ignored, used and worked around the assimilationist policy of the 1950’s to 1970’s.
The camps are associated with Aboriginal people who during their lifetime had a significant influence on the history of NSW, for example:
• Elsie Jones who began teaching Barkandji in the Wilcannia schools nearly fifty years ago and was instrumental in the introduction of Aboriginal language courses in schools/TAFE in NSW.
• William Bates who was influential in setting up the Aboriginal Legal Service, led the buying of pastoral stations for Aboriginal people through the Western Regional Aboriginal Land Council in the 1980’s, led the Mutawintji National Park blockade in 1983, and led changes to the NPWS Act that enabled National Parks to be handed back to the Traditional owners and the return of Mutawintji, the first national park to be returned to the traditional owners.
• Alfie Bates and others who organized Barkandji Housing Corp in the 1970’s and 1980’s, that enabled Aboriginal people to manufacture concrete bricks and build their own houses
• William Riley who amongst many significant achievements campaigned to save the Baaka or Darling River from over-allocation of water and founded Northern Basin Aboriginal Nations.
• Numerous Barkandji, Ngiyampaa and Malyangapa traditional knowledge holders and language speakers (including George Dutton, Alf Barlow, Jack Johnson, Dougal McFarlane, Fred Biggs, Elsie Jones, Kate Bugmy, Gertie Johnson, Granny Quayle, and Granny Moysey), recorded by researchers Dr Jeremy Beckett, Dr Luise Hercus and Prof. Wurm during the 1950’s and 1960’s enabling important language and cultural knowledge to be handed down the generations.
The Wilcannia community aspire to have all the camp sites and other features protected, signposted and used as an educational resource for younger generations to learn about their history and culture.
Date significance updated: 26 Nov 20
Note: The State Heritage Inventory provides information about heritage items listed by local and State government agencies. The State Heritage Inventory is continually being updated by local and State agencies as new information becomes available. Read the Department of Premier and Cabinet copyright and disclaimer.

Description

Physical description: Wilcannia is located in semi-arid far western NSW on the banks of the Baaka or Darling River and about halfway between Bourke and Wentworth. The Darling River floodplain in this area is wide and includes the Talyawalka Anabranch system.

The town is located on high red sandy country bedside the river, chosen because it is flood free and there are rock outcrops in the river channel that were used for crossing stock and vehicles when the river was low. In contrast, the proposed Aboriginal Place is located on black clay soil prone to flooding, or on slightly higher pale sand/silt deposits that flood during highest floods.

The river is fringed with large river red gum trees (Eucalyptus camaldulensis). Black box (Eucalyptus largiflorens) and occasional coolabah (Eucalyptus microtheca) are usually located a little bit back from the river bank. Common shrubs include Acacia stenophylla, Acacia salicina, Eremophila bignoniflora, and waterbush (Myporum montanum). Ground cover tends to be dominated by a range of chenopods (notably cotton bush Maireana aphylla and various saltbush species), as well as Darling pea (Swainsona greyana), Wilcannia lily (Crinum), and annual plants such as wild spinach (Tetragonia) and tar vine (Boerhavia diffusa).

The river channel is deep with steep clay sides in most places, with some stony banks or friable sandstone or calcrete deposits in the bank in places. There are occasional outcrops of harder sandstone in the river bed, some of which are used as fish traps and crossing places. The rocks in the man-made 1940's Wilcannia weir just upstream from the proposed AP are used as fish traps when the water is at the right height, demonstrating the continuity of this cultural practice. The river provides Aboriginal people with a range of fish, mainly cod, golden perch, silver perch, bony bream and catfish, as well as turtles, mussels and yabbies.

The deepest waterholes in the river are fed by springs linked to localised shallow aquifers that depend on floodwaters for long-term sustainability. These deep holes are known to be Ngatji waterholes, places where the Ngatji or Rainbow Serpent lives. Small creeks flow into the river after rain, and wooden fish weirs were placed near the entrance to these creeks in early times, in remembered history nets would be placed near the entrance to the creeks. Floods fill the many billabongs along the river and these provide refuges for aquatic plants and animals and were major foraging places for Aboriginal people to get yabbies, shrimp, turtles, fish and aquatic birds and birds eggs.

The river, billabongs, creeks and floodplain swamps are all under threat from over allocation of water for irrigation in the upper Barwon-Darling system, resulting in less and smaller floods, and increasing periods of low flow with extremely poor quality of water, and increasingly frequent and long periods of no flow at all resulting in the river drying up for long periods of time except for a few toxic pools of water.

5.2Archaeology of the area

5.2.1Cemetery Bend Mound
This archaeological deposit at the downstream end of Union Bend near the cemetery was recorded during this project in 2018 and put on AHIMS. Mounds like this are more common on the riverine plain around Hay, Balranald and on the Murray River near Swan Hill. They are not common on the Darling River. The area consists of a low mound of ashy soil with charcoal, heat retainer, mussel shell, and stone artefacts, and it results from lots of cooking in ovens in the one spot. Ovens are used to cook large animals such as emu and kangaroo, but in the past were most often used to cook carbohydrate rich plant roots, corms and tubers for several hours to change the structure of the carbohydrate into a form this is more easily digestible.

5.2.2 Union Bend Traditional Camping Place and Burial
This consists of a low pale coloured sandy rise on the northern side of Union Bend that has been used for thousands of years for camping on as also as a burial place. A part of it has been recorded and is on AHIMS, but the area is large and has a wide variety of artefacts, heat retainer ovens, midden, and burials.

5.2.3 Granny Moysey's Canoe Tree at Union Bend
This is a very significant Aboriginal cultural heritage feature in Wilcannia and is great importance to almost all Aboriginal people living in Wilcannia and Barkandji people living elsewhere, which is why we have put photos of it in with different people to emphasise how important it is. This canoe was cut out by Granny Moysey in about 1922, and this information was passed down to the community through her daughter Nhunni Hunter, who witnessed it being cut out when she was about 8 years old. It is likely that Granny Moysey and her family were camping nearby when she cut the canoe out and this area is still today a popular fishing spot with descendants of Granny. It is also likely that her older sons helped cut the canoe out under her instruction. Granny handed down the knowledge of how to cut canoes out, and the last canoe cut out around Wilcannia was cut out by her grandson Uncle Ray Hunter in around 1970 at Wowsers Bend.
This tree was first recorded and put on AHIMS in 1984 by Badger Bates, and in 2018 former OEH Heritage Division had a conservator come from Melbourne to provide some guidelines as to how to look after it (Samantha Hamilton 2018). The tree is healthy now, but its long-term health is endangered by lack of water due to over-allocation of Barwon-Darling water upstream, and poor water quality, particularly the excess salt in the water that has been coming down the river in recent years. It could also be affected by too much water if the proposed new weir is built downstream of the tree and the tree gets too much water for too long.

5.2.4Other Canoe Trees
Just downstream from Granny Moysey's canoe tree there is a very old canoe tree that has been dead for a long time. It is interesting to be able to compare these two trees, the oldest one may have been cut out before the town of Wilcannia existed.
Johnny Bates Canoe Tree 1
Johnny Bates Canoe Tree 2
an old canoe tree near the site of Colin Harris's hut
Union Bend Canoe Tree 3

5.3Historic Archaeological Material relating to the Camps

None of the original huts are still in existence, however the camping areas have a range of tangible remains that all tell a story about how the people in the camps lived and what the huts looked like. Features include garden plants such as bamboo and athol pines, remains of fireplaces, paths, steps, windlass, and pig pens. Artefacts found around all the camps include bits of wood stoves, glass, ceramic, wire, metal, flattened kerosene tins and drums (used for walls and roofs), corrugated iron, car parts, gun parts and bullets (for hunting bush tucker), car bodies, wagon parts, horse shoes and bridle/saddle bits, different kinds of lighting such as tilley lamps, tobacco tins, tins (food) and pieces of mouth organ.
Date condition updated:26 Nov 20
Current use: recreation
Former use: pastoral

History

Historical notes: 5.1.4First Europeans: Thomas Mitchell the Explorer Reaches Wilcannia in 1835.
Thomas Mitchell led the first exploring party to reach Wilcannia and gave the Barkandji their first unpleasant taste of what was to come. Mitchell travelled via the Bogan to the Baaka/Darling River near Bourke and then down the river to Wilcannia then Menindee, reaching it in July 1835. Mitchell called the people near Wilcannia the "Spitting Tribe" because of their demonstrations of anger which included spitting on the ground and making dust with their toes to warn the exploring party off.
Mitchell's comments show that the Barkandji groups he met occupied "different portions of the river" (Mitchell 1839:304), and that they owned the resources in their territories including the water in the river. The exclusive possession enjoyed by the Barkandji and the need to obtain permission before using any of their resources is demonstrated by the following comment about the "Spitting Tribe" from the river near Wilcannia:
The Spitting tribe desired our men to pour out the water from their buckets, as if it had belonged to them; digging, at the same time a hole in the ground to receive it when poured out; and I have more than once seen a river chief, on receiving a tomahawk, point to the stream and signify that we were then at liberty to take water from it, so strongly were they possessed with the notion that the water was their own" (Mitchell 1839 Vol I:304).
The heavy exploitation of seeds, notably Panicum grass seeds, was a feature along the Baaka/Darling River and its tributaries, as indicated by the vast number of unbroken and broken grinding dishes found in archaeological sites all along the river and out from the river. Mitchell describes harvesting of grasses along the Baaka/Darling north of Wilcannia:
the grass had been pulled and piled in hayricks ... extending for miles All the grass was of one kind, being a new species of Panicum. ... Not a spike of that kind of grass was left, the whole of the ground where it lay some-what resembling a harvest field (Mitchell 1839 Vol I: 237).
Fire was a major tool of land management used by Barkandji at the contact period. The discontinuation of Aboriginal fire practices brought about immediate change to the vegetation and was possibly a major factor in the extinction of some animal species as well. It has been shown that Aboriginal firing varies from natural firing in both intensity and frequency, with specific methods for different ecosystems and cultural areas. After his trips to the Baaka/Darling River Mitchell stated:
Fire, grass, kangaroos, and human inhabitants, seem all dependent on each other for existence in Australia; for any of these being wanting, the others could no longer continue" (Mitchell 1848:412).

Explorer Charles Sturt noted that the Menindee Lakes (similar to the Wilcannia Lakes) when filled by floods formed "temporary reservoirs" holding "immense numbers of fish... which may thus be considered a providential provision for the natives, whose food changes with the season" (Sturt 1849:135).
Sturt described the diet of Bolboschoenus corms (parilla) and "witchetty" grubs (parrti) when Cawndilla Lake was dry in 1844:
At this period they subsisted on the barilla root, a species of rush which they pound and make into cakes, and some other vegetables; their greatest delicacy being the large caterpillar (laabka), producing the gum-tree moth, an insect they procure out of the ground at the foot of those trees, with long twigs like osiers, having a small hook at the end. The twigs are sometimes from eight to ten feet long, so deep do the insects bury themselves in the ground (Sturt 1849:135).
Mitchell described one method of fishing used in a deep broad reach of the Baaka/Darling River at Menindee in 1835:
they fished daily in different portions of it... The king stood erect in his bark canoe, while nine young men, with short spears, went up the river, and as many down, until, at a signal from him, all dived into it, and returned towards him, alternately swimming and diving; transfixing the fish under water, and throwing them on the bank. Others on the river brink speared the fish when thus enclosed, as they appeared among the weeds, in which small openings were purposely made that they might see them. In this manner, they killed with astonishing despatch, some enormous cod-perch; but the largest were struck by the chief from his canoe, with a long, barbed spear (Mitchell 1839 Vol I:268-9).

In 1862 the area north west of Momba/Mt Murchison on the Darling River near present day Wilcannia was still frontier country. The Crown Lands Commissioner Sharp reports from Cumpedore near Tilpa on his attempt to find the bodies of two white men reportedly killed by the Paroo people;
report the return this day from the Paroo without having been able to discover any portion of the remains of Messr. Curlewis and McCullogh. We were informed that the Blacks have destroyed everything, some by burning them, and others by putting them in water holes" (Sharp 1862).
Frederick Bonney who was based at Mt Murchison homestead at present day Wilcannia and then Momba homestead to the north-west from 1865 to 1881 bluntly states in his notebooks that in this period "natives killed by settlers - shot like dogs" (1866-1915 MSS). Mt Murchison/Momba Station was the very large original station that included the location that was to become Wilcannia township, later split into separate stations. In 1865 it was known as Mt Murchison, in 1881 it was all known as Momba (Figure 11). The original Mount Murchison Station homestead block was also known as Head Station or Karannia, the Barkandji name for the area just north of Steamer Point, near where the Paroo River meets the Baaka/Darling and where the original head station was located (where Kalyanka homestead is, not where Mt Murchison homestead is now). Bonney may have originally lived at "head station" on the river near the location of Wilcannia, but then moved to the new head station where Momba Station is based now between Wilcannia and Peery Lake.
Figure 9 is a very early posed photograph of a group of Aboriginal people outside the original Mount Murchison homestead with pencilled annotations identifying the non-Aboriginal people in image: "Dec. 12th, 1865; F.B. (?) Clayton; Byrne of Bowillie (?) JP I (?); Howard storekeeper; By Pickering travelling photographer." [Photographer possibly Charles Percy Pickering]". The house to the left seems to have bark tile roof, and the smaller building on the right, possibly the very first house, has sheets of bark for the roof. In the middle the building with a white roof may be a large tent. The trees in the background are on the bank of the Darling River. The Aboriginal people include men, women and children, wearing a mixture of traditional and European clothing. Notably five of the women are wearing traditional mourning caps, indicating that close relatives had recently passed away. 5.1.8 The Wilcannia Fringe Camps
The town of Wilcannia always had fringe camps although the details are seldom recorded. In 1876 Constable Harper arrested at Wilcannia a man named Harry Giles, charged him with “shooting and wounding with intent to murder on Tommy, an Aborigine of NSW”. Tommy died a short while later, Harry was remanded for eight days (Wilcannia Police Duty Book 9/6014), it is recorded in the newspapers that he was given 3 years hard labour for the manslaughter of Tommy (Adelaide Observer 11 Nov 1876:12). Importantly it was recorded that Tommy was shot at the “blacks camp” and that the “blacks were camped near the public-house” in the town (The Sydney Morning Herald 23 October 1876: 5), indicating that there was a fringe camp in 1876 in Wilcannia.
Aboriginal Protection Board reports are very patchy but list 18 Aboriginal people living in Wilcannia in 1894, 1897 and 1909. In the 1901 census 22 Aboriginal people are listed as living in Wilcannia, including 17 living in tents in the “blacks camp” and M.A. (Mary Ann?) Smith and her two daughters living on the town common. Two others were living in the town. The Aborigines Protection Board minutes from 1893 to 1901 consistently list rations, clothing and medical attention given to the Wilcannia Aboriginal people, plus tents, and an iron hut for Mary Ann and her daughters.
Barkandji matriarch Eliza Knight is recorded as living in Wilcannia in 1919 where she had her youngest daughter Rita (Births Deaths and Marriages Register), and her other younger children would also have been with her. Her sister Annie Knight/Keagan (later Granny Moysey) was living in Wilcannia around 1922 when she cut out the canoe tree in Union Bend before travelling with her family down river to Albemarle station and then Pooncarie. Granny Moysey’s son Arthur Clark and his wife Gertie nee Whyman/Brown were camped at Steamers Point on the northern edge of Wilcannia in the 1920’s, as Gladys Lawson was born in 1926 when her family were camped at Steamers Point (Tanya Lawson pers. comm.). Eva Knight/Black (daughter of Eliza Knight) and Karl Leppard’s children Eileen, Elsie and Fred were also born at Steamers Point, Elsie in 1928. Figure 18 shows a group of Aboriginal and non- Aboriginal people at Wilcannia in 1925. By comparing other photos, the Aboriginal people can be recognised as belonging to the Quayle and Andrews families, and they may have set up tents for an event such as the annual show, as these families were still living on stations at this time (Beckett, Hercus, & Martin 2008)

In around 1925 the Lawson/Cabbage family moved to Wilcannia from Menindee and set up camp on the riverbank on the Aboriginal Reserve (now within the proposed Aboriginal Place). A photo shows their substantial house in 1935-7, the woman standing at the front has been identified as part of this project by June Jones as her Aunt Ruby Lawson, possibly with one of her sons (Arthur, Ray or Pat) (Figure 19). The location of the house can be determined by the river bank and the stone building across the river on the extreme left of the photo (the Bond Store which still stands). Note the strong wooden forked pole structure, and the use of flattened tins as roof tiles and wall cladding.
In December 1930 the sum of £7 0/4 was distributed among nine adult and five Aboriginal children at Wilcannia under the Aborigines Protection Board (Barrier Miner 2 December 1930: 3).
The following article gives a description of the fringe camp on the east side of the river in the area of the Mission camps in the proposed Aboriginal Place:
"About 40 aborigines still live in the Wilcannia district and most of these are camped about a mile below the town on the eastern bank of the River Darling. One of the occupants of the camp is engaged on Government relief work, while some of the others work on stations near Wilcannia. Ten of the remainder get Government rations. Norman and his wife Selina are the interesting couple of the camp, and it is claimed by Selina that she remembers 'Burke and Wills going through the district" (Barrier Miner 30 October 1930, p 2).
Selina passed away in Wilcannia in 1933, she was the wife of Norman Lindsay, a well-known Miikitja or cleverman:
"Lena Lindsay, a full blooded aboriginal, and known as the "Queen of the Paroo," died at Wilcannia a few days ago. Her age is not known, but she stated to many people that she was in the district when the Burke and Wills expedition passed through." (Barrier Miner 11 April 1933, p 2). In 1933 it is recorded that 48 Aboriginal people were “Camped near Wilcannia” (Barrier Miner 4 April 1933, page 4). The Wilcannia fringe camp numbers swelled when visitors from the north west or other sections of the Darling River arrived:
"ABORIGINES MOVING ABOUT
Aborigines are again on the move according to reports received by Superintendent Gibson from police in the district. A large number recently left Tibooburra for White Cliffs, but they have apparently tired of that place for they are now at Wilcannia where they are receiving Government rations" (Barrier Miner 1 July 1932, p. 1).
In 1935 an Aboriginal man from Wilcannia was interviewed by the Broken Hill paper: “The Wilcannia man mentioned that many of the [Aboriginal people] at the river town are still engaged on station work, but that jobs were not plentiful” (Barrier Miner 2 May 1935, page 6).
The Menindee Aboriginal Station, better known as Old Menindee Mission, was opened in September 1933 and in 1949 it was closed and moved to Murrin Bridge near Lake Cargelligo (Martin 2001). About 270 Aboriginal people were brought by train from the Carowra Tank Aboriginal Station (or Mission) north of Ivanhoe and dumped on a bare sandhill about 12 km north of Menindee township and on the eastern side of the river and this became Menindee Mission. About another 100 people were forced into the Mission from Barkandji country including Menindee, Pooncarie and White Cliffs. It had a significant impact on the history of the Mission camps in Wilcannia as it was very unpopular and people were dying at a terrifying rate from Tuberculosis (TB) because of the enforced concentration of people, so as time went on more and more people left Menindee Mission and settled in Wilcannia.
Barkandji people began to escape from Menindee Mission immediately, and many started to move to Wilcannia in the mid 1930's. Aunty Amy Quayle quickly escaped from Menindee Mission to resume her old life of freedom travelling up and down the river:
"I ran away with Grannie Moysey, I was about 8 or 9. She had a sulky with a horse and only Emily [her youngest daughter Emily Clark] was with her. Grannie settled Wilcannia at Mukuli Bend, then others came to Wilcannia and she moved closer to town. ... she didn’t like the idea of living on a mission... we went back to Menindee [only] to visit the family. I got a job at Culpaulin, I took Molly Lawson’s place. Emily used to work for Leckie’s at Nelyambo "(Martin 2001).
As people moved out of Menindee Mission and Brewarrina Mission, the fringe camps at Wilcannia grew. People also moved from White Cliffs to Wilcannia at this time, shown by the Catholic Church baptisms of well-known Barkandji family members, largely at White Cliffs in the 1930’s and then mostly at Wilcannia in the 1940’s. The fringe camps were located mainly on the eastern side of the Darling River but also on the western side near Steamer Point, and Wowser Bend and Union Bend. These fringe camps were located on the river to be close to water, fishing and yabbying, and also shade from the large trees on the riverbank. The camps were spread along the river bank for a distance either side of town.
In 1950, 1951 and 1956 the river had record-breaking floods and the fringe camps along the river were flooded out. People moved to higher ground on the western side of the river, mainly in the area back from the river known as the Mallee, but also at Steamers Point. Tents were supplied during the 1956 flood and many people began to build tin houses and settle down at the Mallee. This was repeated in 1974 when there was another very high flood. The Aborigines Welfare Board (AWB)after many years of broken promises finally built some houses on the flat ground behind the river where people were camped. In May 1953 the fourteen new houses on the Reserve or “Mission” were finally completed. The “new housing settlement for aborigines at Wilcannia” was officially opened and “provides modern accommodation for aborigines who formerly lived in bag huts and humpies” (Barrier Miner Thu 7 May 1953 ). These tiny houses were all lined up on both sides of a street, providing an uncomfortable social experience for people who had previously chosen to live next to family and kin and self-managed their distance to neighbours who were not close kin. The rent for the houses was also an issue for families who had to exist on seasonal and non-permanent work for income. For the first six months there was no water connected and the people still had to get water from the river, which was now even further away than it was in the riverbank camps. There was no electricity to begin with. As part of this project and the Wilcannia Community Aboriginal Heritage Study we collected oral history from members of the community and recorded some canoe trees and coolamons trees, places where people camped along the river, and places with traditional or historic stories. This oral history is very significant because it documents who lived there, but more importantly it documents what was hard about those times (carting water, no electricity, primitive toilets etc,) and what was better about those times than today (no bills, extended families and friendships, freedom and pride, a beautiful river and lots of fish). The stories talk about the close family ties and extended kinship groups, it talks about how everyone helped each other, and how every child was looked after. They emphasise a sense of freedom and pride, and the self-reliance and resilience of the people.
Some of the oral history about living in the Mission camps collected is summarised in the assessment report (the story tellers and their family have copyright of these stories)

Historic themes

Australian theme (abbrev)New South Wales themeLocal theme
2. Peopling-Peopling the continent Aboriginal cultures and interactions with other cultures-Activities associated with maintaining, developing, experiencing and remembering Aboriginal cultural identities and practices, past and present. All Nations - Maintaining Aboriginal communities-
8. Culture-Developing cultural institutions and ways of life Domestic life-Activities associated with creating, maintaining, living in and working around houses and institutions. Physical evidence of creating, maintaining, living in and working around houses, through domestic artefacts scatters, ar-

Recommended management:

12 Appendix C: Provisional Management Plan. The powerline, pipeline, related access road, and bores on Union Bend are excluded from the curtilage (Wilcannia emergency water supply managed by Central Darling Shire). • The site of the proposed new Wilcannia weir and construction and maintenance works areas are excluded from the curtilage, as is the proposed access road on Union Bend. Continue to work with Water NSW to ensure cultural heritage is protected within this area. • The water column in the Darling River (Baaka) is excluded from the proposal (managed by Water NSW), • The bed of the river within the boundary is included in the Aboriginal Place (managed by Crown Lands). • The St Therese Community School, its levee bank and levee bank quarry pit are excluded from the curtilage. • Upgrade of St Therese Community School levee bank is allowed, recommended that someone from the Wilcannia LALC monitor the works if and only if they encroach on the Aboriginal Place curtilage. • Maintenance and upgrade of existing vehicle tracks is allowed within the curtilage, but tracks need to be rationalised and a management plan drawn up to minimise tracks • Recreational use for fishing, camping, boating, swimming and picnicking is allowed within the curtilage. • Barkandji cultural activities are allowed within the curtilage. • Interpretation signs for heritage places notably historic camping areas are allowed within the curtilage except for on/in archaeological sites or “relics” protected under the NPWS Act 1974. This includes middens, burials, artefacts, archaeological deposits, ovens, hearths, mounds and modified trees. A buffer zone of five metres is mandated for interpretation signs near these sites. • Huts in the style of historic camping places are allowed within the curtilage if they enhance the cultural values. The hut built by a community elder a couple of years ago enhances the cultural values as it has been placed there expressly for community to use, to allow people to connect with their past, their family and ancestors, and to partake in cultural activities. This hut was deliberately placed to avoid previous hut locations but close enough to them that is an appropriate place for people to connect. It is an example of an appropriate activity within the proposed Aboriginal Place. • Interpretation signage must be installed to discourage people from collecting historic materials relating to the historic camping period. Encourage people to take photos instead. Signage must also discourage digging for historic materials. Both collecting and digging up of historic artefacts may be an offense. • Collecting fallen branches and twigs for traditional style cooking fires is allowed within the curtilage, as this is a continuation of cultural practice. • The management plan must exclude the cutting down of trees and connected tree branches with a chainsaw or axe, unless an AHIP is obtained or there is a risk to safety assessed by the Wilcannia LALC and Central Darling Shire. • Any clearing of bushes must not involve bulldozing or pulling up bushes, as this may disturb archaeological material. Cutting back of bushes along tracks is allowed and cutting down of bushes if an area needs to be cleared for cultural uses is allowed (note that during the historic period the proposed Aboriginal Place was largely clear of bushes and saplings). • Saplings can be cut to use for cultural uses such as building of new huts or shade shelters in the style of historic or traditional huts. • The recording of oral history relating to the historic camps, and research into the archaeology and archival records should continue to provide a resource for future generations.

Listings

Heritage ListingListing TitleListing NumberGazette DateGazette NumberGazette Page
NPW Act - Aboriginal Place  30 Oct 20 297n2020-4402

References, internet links & images

TypeAuthorYearTitleInternet Links
WrittenSarah Martin2018Wilcannia Mission Camps and Cultural Places Assessment Report

Note: internet links may be to web pages, documents or images.

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Data source

The information for this entry comes from the following source:
Name: Heritage NSW
Database number: 5067601
File number: EF16/2858


Every effort has been made to ensure that information contained in the State Heritage Inventory is correct. If you find any errors or omissions please send your comments to the Database Manager.

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